Exiled Iranian Kurds in Iraq Hope for Change, But Fear Remains
QUSHTAPA, Iraq (AP) — In a camp on the outskirts of Irbil, in Iraq’s autonomous Kurdish region, Iranian Kurds carry faded photographs and paintings of villages they fled decades ago. Now, as the US-Israeli war with Iran intensifies, a guarded hope flickers among these exiles – that the conflict might weaken the theocracy that drove them from their homes.
For many of the thousands living in camps like Kawa, the dream of returning to Iran remains distant. Their political aspirations for autonomy and long-standing opposition to Iran’s clerical rule present significant obstacles. They say they would only consider going back if a new Iranian government could guarantee their safety and recognize their goals.
The residents of Kawa Camp are largely descendants of those who left Iran after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, a period marked by conflict with Kurdish separatists. Many joined the resistance in exile, while others have struggled to build lives on the margins of Iraqi Kurdish society, lacking full citizenship, property rights, and access to essential services.
“For all our lives in Iraq we were paying the price of leaving. Until now, people look at us like we are slaves,” said Jehangir Ahmadi, a community leader in Kawa Camp, recalling a journey that began with a hurried escape and years spent in displacement. “Until now, we don’t have good work, no good place to live.”
The hope for change is tempered by a deep-seated mistrust of foreign powers, many of whom they believe have exploited their cause for geopolitical gain. Recent reports that the Trump administration considered enlisting them in ground operations within Iran only reinforced this skepticism.
“From 1979 until now, this has been our only hope — that the regime will fall. I’m watching the clock; if it falls now, I’ll return home the next second,” said a 57-year-old member of the Iranian Kurdish opposition, who asked to remain anonymous, fearing retribution from Iran-backed Iraqi militias and Iranian intelligence.
The current conflict has already brought increased danger. Armed Iranian Kurdish opposition groups based in Iraq have been targeted by attacks from Iran’s proxies since the war began. Commanders and Iraqi Kurdish political leaders acknowledge they lack the capacity for a major offensive without US air support.
One unit commander, Rebaz Sharifi, described hiding in a mountainside crevice during a drone strike by Iran-backed militias on a Kurdistan Freedom Party base. He estimates there are between 8,000 and 10,000 Iranian Kurdish fighters, but they are poorly equipped, lacking modern weaponry and crucial capabilities like drones.
“We don’t want to go now because we know we will die because of (Iranian) airstrikes and missiles,” Sharifi said. “It’s not the right time for this because Iranian forces still have power to control the skies.”
The threat of attacks has prompted many fighters to move their families to safer communities, but even there, fear persists. Residents of Kawa Camp worry about potential attacks on civilian areas and surveillance by Iranian intelligence, with some reporting that relatives in Iran have been questioned about their activities.
The history of the Kurds is marked by betrayal and unfulfilled promises, from the short-lived Republic of Mahabad in 1946 to Iraq’s use of chemical weapons against them in 1988. This history fuels their caution and skepticism.
“We didn’t trust that they will support us because we are a wounded nation, we have been betrayed many times,” Ahmadi said.
